ALEXANDRIA, VA — Early in August, former Rep. William J. Jefferson
(D-LA) was convicted of corruption charges in a case made famous by
the $90,000 in bribe money stuffed into his freezer. Federal jurors
found Jefferson guilty of using his congressional office as a criminal
enterprise to enrich himself, soliciting and accepting hundreds of
thousands of dollars in bribes to support his business ventures in
Africa.
In making his closing argument before the jury, defense attorney Robert
Trout attempted to put all of Washington on trial. “We all occupy
the gray area — it’s just part of our human nature,” he
explained. “We’re going to make mistakes.... we may do
reckless things."
To illustrate his analogy, Trout displayed a graphic for the jurors.
On one side of a yellow line were the words “recklessness,” “negligence,” and “mistakes” —
and a headless man in jacket and tie raising his hands in a shrug. “The
point here is what Members of Congress are expected to do in their
jobs,” said Trout. “If seeking political help was a crime,
you could lock up half of metropolitan Washington, D.C.”
Trout compared Jefferson’s work to promote companies in which
his family members had stakes to constituent casework, “something
to be expected of our Members of Congress.” Trying to persuade
foreign governments to do business with these companies, he said, was
part “of a congressman’s customary use of his office. It
is clearly a matter of settled practice for congressmen to pitch products
of American companies.”
Washington Post columnist Dana Milbank, who attended the
trial, noted that, “It was a bit of a stretch to suggest that
Jefferson — caught on tape demanding financial payouts and caught on
film taking $l00,000 from an FBI informant — was just doing what other
lawmakers do.”
While the Jefferson case is admittedly an extreme example of congressional
corruption, his attorney’s defense that, in effect, “everyone
does it” is not as far-fetched as it may appear. Other Members
of Congress may not have $90,000 in their freezers, but too many are
guilty of questionable activities — making the very term “congressional
ethics” something of an oxymoron.
Just as Jefferson’s trial began, we learned of Senator John
Ensign's (R-NV) affair with an aide and the subsequent payments to
her family by his parents. The Senate Ethics Committee has been taking
testimony on sweetheart mortgage deals given to Senators Christopher
Dodd (D-CT) and Kent Conrad (D-ND). Rep. Charles Rangel (D-NY), the
chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, is the subject of several
ethics investigations; matters include his occupancy of four apartments
at below-market rents in a Harlem building owned by a prominent real
estate developer, and his admission that he neglected to pay some taxes
by failing to report $75,000 in rental income earned from a beachfront
villa in the Dominican Republic. In June, the House ethics committee
launched a probe into trips taken by Rangel and other lawmakers to
the Caribbean.
Discussing Rangel’s support for raising taxes while hesitating
to pay his own, The Wall Street Journal editorially declared: “Ever
notice that those who endorse high taxes and those who actually pay
them aren’t the same people? Consider the curious case of Ways
and Means Chairman Charlie Rangel, who is leading the charge for a
new 5.4 percentage point income tax surcharge and recently called it ‘the
moral thing to do.’ About his own tax liability he seems less,
well, fervent.... Mr. Rangel promised last fall to amend his tax returns,
to pay what is due and correct the information on his annual financial
disclosure form. But the deadline for the 2008 filing was May l5 and
as of last week (July 27) he still had not filed. His press spokesman
declined to answer questions about anything related to his ethics problems.”
During the trial of William Jefferson, defense attorney Trout held
the Louisiana congressman up as a better man than many of his former
colleagues on Capitol Hill. Jefferson “never offered or promised
any earmark,” he said, reminding jurors of former Senator Ted
Stevens (R-Alaska) and his “Bridge to Nowhere.” Neither,
he said, did Jefferson propose any legislation to aid his business
interests. “That’s how Jack Abramoff got himself into trouble
— they’re not doing that,” he said.
Whether Congress is able to monitor its own ethical behavior is a
question being asked more and more. Members of the House ethics committee
who are investigating a pattern of lawmakers steering federal funds
to generous defense contractors, for example, have just had their own
pet military projects approved by the same committee whose activities
they are probing. The 10 committee members sponsored 29 earmarks —
$59 million in federal funding for projects they requested in their
districts or states — under a military spending bill that passed the
House in July. The bill was approved by the House Appropriations defense
subcommittee, whose practice of steering earmarks to clients of a well-connected
lobbying firm close to the chairman, Rep. John Murtha (D-PA), is the
subject of the ethics committee’s investigation.
Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-CA), chairman of the ethics committee, received
three earmarks under Murtha’s bill. In June, Lofgren's committee
announced it was investigating ties between Members of Congress and
PMA group, a lobbying firm run by one of Murtha’s close friends.
Murtha and fellow committee members Peter Visclosky (D-IND) and James
Moran (D-VA) have longtime ties to PMA and have orchestrated hundreds
of millions of dollars in earmarks to PMA clients in recent years.
The PMA group closed after an FBI raid last year, and Visclosky’s
congressional records were subpoenaed in May by a grand jury investigating
defense contracts.
Rep. Jefferson’s $90,000 in the freezer may be a bit extreme
— and clearly illegal — but “earmarks” in return
for congressional contributions is simply a different form of bribery,
although made legal by the very Congress that participates in the practice.
Congress appears unable to properly enforce any kind of realistic
ethical standards. As long as Members of Congress have power to influence
virtually every aspect of our society, many special interests will
continue to have a stake in purchasing favorable decisions. The money
in Rep. Jefferson’s freezer, in reality, is only the tip of the
iceberg.
The Conservative Curmudgeon archives
The Conservative Curmudgeon is copyright © 2009
by Allan C. Brownfeld and the Fitzgerald
Griffin Foundation.
All rights reserved. Editors may use this column if this copyright information
is included.
Allan C. Brownfeld is the author of five books, the latest of which
is The Revolution Lobby (Council for Inter-American Security). He has
been a staff aide to a U.S. Vice President, Members of Congress, and
the U.S. Senate Internal Subcommittee.
He is associate editor of The Lincoln Reveiw and a contributing
editor to such publications as Human Events,
The St. Croix Review, and The Washington Report on Middle
East Affairs.
The Fitzgerald Griffin Foundation needs your help to continue making
these columns available. To make a tax-deductible donation, click
here.